رفال بمقابلہ جے ایف 17 تھنڈر: کیا فرانس سے خریدے گئے نئے رفال طیارے انڈیا کو پاکستان پر فضائی برتری دلا سکتے ہیں؟

انڈیا کو فرانس سے پانچ مزید رفال طیارے ملنے کے بعد ایک دفعہ پھر یہ بحث زور پکڑ گئی ہے کہ کیا یہ جدید طیارے پاکستان میں بنائے جانے والے جے ایف 17 تھنڈر سے بہتر ہیں یا نہیں۔

سماجی رابطے کی ویب سائٹ ٹوئٹر پر جہاں بہت سے انڈین صارفین رفال طیارے ملنے پر جشن منا رہے ہیں وہیں پاکستانی صارفین کی جانب سے جے ایف 17 طیاروں کی تکینیکی بنیادوں پر رفال پر سبقت سے متعلق بھی دعوے کیے جا رہے ہیں۔

بی بی سی نے اس حوالے سے کچھ حقائق جاننے کی کوشش کہ رفال میں وہ کیا خاص بات ہے جو کسی اور طیارے میں نہیں ہے۔ اس حوالے سے انڈین اور پاکستانی فضائیہ کے حکام کا نکتہ نظر بھی اس موازنے میں شامل کیا گیا ہے۔

یہ حقائق جاننے سے پہلے اس بحث کے پس منظر پر نظر ڈالتے ہیں مگر اس دوران ایک کپ چائے بنانا نہ بھولیے گا۔

جب پاکستانی پائلٹس نے گذشتہ برس 27 فروری کو انڈین مِگ 21 طیارہ مار گرایا تو اس پر سوار پائلٹ ونگ کمانڈر ابھینندن کو گرفتار کر لیا گیا۔ دورانِ حراست ان کی ایک ویڈیو جاری کی گئی جس میں وہ چائے کی پیالی اٹھائے اس چائے کی تعریف کرتے دکھائی دیے۔

ابھینندن کا یہ جملہ ’ٹی از فینٹیسٹک‘ اب پاکستان میں زبان زد عام ہے۔

تاہم اس کے اگلے ہی دن پاکستان نے اعلان کیا کہ وہ جذبہ خیر سگالی کے تحت انڈین پائلٹ کو واپس گھر بھیج رہا ہے۔

یاد رہے کہ اس سے قبل انڈین طیارے پاکستان میں بالاکوٹ کے قریب بمباری کر کے واپس چلے گئے تھے جس کے جواب میں پاکستان نے کارروائی کی تھی۔

اس واقعے کے بعد انڈین وزیراعظم نریندر مودی نے بیان دیا کہ ’اگر انڈیا کے پاس رفال طیارے ہوتے تو پاکستان کے ساتھ بالاکوٹ واقعے کا نتیجہ بہتر ہوتا۔‘



رفال کی خریداری پر انڈیا میں کئی طرح کے سوال اٹھائے گئے ہیں

رواں برس فروری میں اسلام آباد ایئر ہیڈ کوارٹر میں میڈیا کے نمائندوں کو روسی ساختہ جہاز مِگ 21 کا ملبہ دکھایا گیا۔ اس موقع پر اُس وقت پاکستانی فضائیہ کے اسسٹنٹ چیف آف دی ایئر سٹاف پلانز ایئرکموڈور سید عمر شاہ نے کہا تھا کہ اگر انڈیا کے پاس ’رفال آ بھی جائے تو بھی ہم تیار ہیں۔‘

بالاکوٹ واقعے کے بعد پاکستان نے انڈیا کے خلاف فضائی آپریشن میں جے ایف 17 تھنڈر اور ایف 16 بھی استعمال کیے تھے۔ ان طیاروں کی خصوصیات جاننے سے پہلے ایک نظر فرانس سے آئے چھ رفال طیاروں پر۔

رفال انڈیا پہنچ گیا: اس طیارے میں کون سی خوبیاں ہیں؟

فرانس کی حکومت کے ساتھ کیے گئے معاہدے کے تحت انڈیا کو کل 36 رفال طیارے ملنے ہیں جن میں سے چھ طیارے انڈیا پہنچ چکے ہیں۔

رفال جوہری میزائل داغنے کی صلاحیت رکھتا ہے۔ اس میں دو طرح کے میزائل نصب ہو سکتے ہیں، ایک کا مار کرنے کا فاصلہ 150 کلومیٹر جبکہ دوسرے کا تقریباً 300 کلومیٹر ہے۔ جوہری اسلحے سے لیس ہونے کی صلاحیت رکھنے والا رفال طیارہ فضا میں 150 کلومیٹر تک میزائل داغ سکتا ہے جبکہ فضا سے زمین تک مار کرنے کی اس کی صلاحیت 300 کلومیٹر تک ہے۔

یہ انڈین فضائیہ کی جانب سے استعمال ہونے والے میراج 2000 کی جدید شکل ہے اور انڈین ایئر فورس کے پاس اس وقت 51 میراج 2000 طیارے ہیں۔

رفال بنانے والی کمپنی داسو ایوی ایشن کے مطابق رفال کی حد رفتار 2020 کلو میٹر فی گھنٹہ ہے۔

طیارے کی اونچائی 5.30 میٹر اور لمبائی 15.30 میٹر ہے اور اس طیارے میں فضا میں بھی ایندھن بھرا جا سکتا ہے۔ رفال کو اب تک افغانستان، لیبیا، مالی، عراق اور شام جیسے ممالک میں ہونے والی کارروائیوں میں استعمال کیا جا چکا ہے۔

رفال اوپر، نیچے، دائیں اور بائیں ہر طرف نگرانی کرنے کی صلاحیت رکھتا ہے یعنی اس کی وِزیبلٹی 360 ڈگری ہے۔

کئی طرح کی خوبیوں سے لیس رفال کو بین الاقوامی معاہدوں کے سبب جوہری اسلحے سے لیس نہیں کیا گیا تاہم کئی ماہرین کا خیال ہے کہ انڈیا میراج 2000 کی طرح رفال کو بھی اپنی ضرورت کے مطابق ڈھال لے گا۔



انڈین فضائیہ کی جانب سے جاری کی گئی تصویر میں رفال کو انبالہ ایئر بیس پر لینڈ کرتے دیکھا جا سکتا ہے

’رفال کی صلاحیتوں پر کوئی شبہ نہیں‘

انڈین فضائیہ کا کہنا ہے کہ ’رفال ایک بہترین اور باصلاحیت جنگی طیارہ ہے۔‘

سابق وزیر دفاع منوہر پاریکھ کا کہنا تھا کہ ’رفال کا نشانہ کبھی نہیں چوکتا۔‘

بی بی سی سے بات کرتے ہوئے انڈین دفاعی تجزیہ کار معروف رضا کہتے ہیں رفال کی خصوصیات کی وجہ سے اسے ’فورس ملٹی پلایئر‘ کہا جا سکتا ہے۔ ان کا کہنا ہے کہ رفال کی فلائنگ رینج عام جنگی طیاروں سے کہیں زیادہ ہے۔

رضا بتاتے ہیں ’اس کی آپریشنل صلاحیت 65 سے 70 فیصد تک ہے جبکہ جنگی طیارے سخوئی کی آپریشنل صلاحیت 50 فیصد تک ہے۔ ’یہ پہاڑی علاقوں اور چھوٹے مقامات پر اُتر سکتا ہے اس کے علاوہ سمندر میں چلتے ہوئے طیارہ بردار بحری جہاز پر بھی اتر سکتا ہے۔‘

جے ایف-17 تھنڈر کن صلاحیتوں کا حامل ہے؟

جے ایف-17 تھنڈر لڑاکا طیارہ پاکستان کے لیے اس وجہ سے بھی خاصی اہمیت کا حامل ہے کہ پاکستان اسے خود تیار کرتا ہے۔

پاکستان نے چین کی مدد سے ہی ان طیاروں کو بنانے کی صلاحیت حاصل کی ہے اور ماہرین کے مطابق یہ طیارہ ایک ہمہ جہت، کم وزن، فورتھ جنریشن ملٹی رول ایئر کرافٹ ہے۔

اس طیارے کی تیاری، اپ گریڈیشن اور ’اوورہالنگ‘ کی سہولیات بھی ملک کے اندر ہی دستیاب ہیں جس کا مطلب یہ ہے کہ پاکستان اس طیارے کی تیاری کے مراحل کو یقینی بنانے کے لیے کسی بھی دوسرے ملک کا محتاج نہیں ہے۔

عسکری حکام کے مطابق یہ طیارہ دنیا بھر میں کئی اہم شوز میں بھی پذیرائی حاصل کر چکا ہے اور دنیا نے اس کی بہت اچھی اسسمینٹ کی ہے، یہی وجہ ہے کہ ہر بڑے شو میں جے ایف 17 کے لیے دعوت نامہ ضرور آتا ہے۔



رفال طیارے

پاکستان نے جے ایف 17 پر کب کام شروع کیا؟

یہ قصہ سنہ 1995 سے شروع ہوتا ہے جب پاکستان اور چین نے جے ایف 17 سے متعلق ایک مفاہمت کی یادداشت پر دستخط کیے تھے۔

اس طیارے کا پہلا آزمائشی ماڈل سنہ 2003 میں تیار ہوا اور پاکستانی فضائیہ نے سنہ 2010 میں جے ایف-17 تھنڈر کو پہلی مرتبہ اپنے فضائی بیڑے میں شامل کیا۔

اس منصوبے میں مِگ طیارے بنانے والی روسی کمپنی میکویان نے بھی شمولیت اختیار کر لی۔ پاکستان فضائیہ نے جے ایف-17 تھنڈر کو مدت پوری کرنے والے میراج، ایف 7 اور اے 5 طیاروں کی تبدیلی کے پروگرام کے تحت ڈیزائن کیا۔

دفاعی امور کے ماہرین کے مطابق جے ایف تھنڈر طیارہ ایف-16 فیلکن کی طرح ہلکے وزن کے ساتھ ساتھ تمام تر موسمی حالات میں زمین اور فضائی اہداف کو نشانہ بنانے والا ہمہ جہت طیارہ ہے جو دور سے ہی اپنے ہدف کو نشانہ بنانے والے میزائل سے لیس ہے۔

جے ایف-17 تھنڈر نے اسی صلاحیت کی بدولت بی وی آر (Beyond Visual Range) میزائل سے بالاکوٹ واقعے کے بعد انڈین فضائیہ کے مگ کو گرایا تو اس کے ساتھ ہی جے ایف-17 تھنڈر کو بھی خوب پذیرائی ملی۔

جے ایف-17 تھنڈر طیاروں میں وہ جدید ریڈار نصب ہے جو رفال کی بھی بڑی خوبی گنی جاتی ہے۔ یہ طیارا ہدف کو لاک کر کے میزائل داغنے کی صلاحیت رکھتا ہے۔

اس کی رینج 150 کلومیٹر تک بتائی جاتی ہے اور یہ میزائل اپنے ہدف کا بالکل ایسے ہی پیچھا کرتا ہے جیسے ہالی وڈ کی متعدد فلموں میں دکھایا جاتا ہے۔

جے ایف-17 تھنڈر زمین پر حریف کی نگرانی اور فضائی لڑائی کے ساتھ ساتھ زمینی حملے کی صلاحیت بھی رکھتا ہے۔ یہ طیارہ فضا سے زمین، فضا سے فضا اور فضا سے سطحِ آب پر حملہ کرنے والے میزائل سسٹم کے علاوہ دیگر ہتھیار استعمال کرنے کی صلاحیت بھی رکھتا ہے۔



جے ایف 17 تھنڈر

انڈیا جے ایف کی برتری تسلیم کرنے کو تیار کیوں نہیں؟

پاکستان کی طرف سے مگ 21 گرانے کے واقعے کے بعد میڈیا بریفنگ کے دوران انڈین فضائیہ کے ایئر وائس مارشل کپور نے اس بات کا دعوٰی کیا تھا کہ پاکستان نے ایئر ٹو ایئر میزائل استعمال کیا ہے اور یہ ٹیکنالوجی صرف پاکستانی ایف-16 طیاروں میں موجود ہے۔

پاکستان کا موقف ہے کہ یہ ہدف جے ایف 17 کی مدد سے نشانہ بنایا گیا تھا۔

پاکستانی فضائیہ کے ایئر وائس مارشل ریٹائرڈ شہزاد چوہدری، پاکستان کے موقف کو درست مانتے ہوئے کہتے ہیں کہ جے ایف 17 ایک ایسا طیارہ ہے جو ملکی ضروریات کو مد نظر رکھ کر ڈیزائن کیا گیا ہے۔

رفال اور جے ایف 17 کے درمیان موازنے پر شہزاد چوہدری کا کہنا ہے کہ ہر طیارہ اپنے مقاصد حاصل کرنے کے لیے ڈیزائن کیا جاتا ہے، اس کی رفتار، حجم یا کسی اور پہلو سے موازنہ کرنا درست نہیں ہے۔

ان کے مطابق ’یہ ایسا ہی ہے کہ آپ کار اور ڈمپر کا موازنہ شروع کر دیں جبکہ دیکھنا یہ ہوتا ہے کہ کس چیز کو کس مقصد کے لیے استعمال میں لایا جاتا ہے۔‘

ان کے نزدیک اب دیکھنا یہ ہو گا کہ وہ قوت اور صلاحیت کیا ہے۔

جے ایف کی خصوصیات اور تعداد سے متعلق شہزاد چوہدری کا کہنا ہے کہ وہ یہ تفصیلات تو کبھی نہیں بتائیں گے۔

شہزاد چوہدری کے مطابق ’ہمارے مقاصد کے اعتبار سے جے ایف 17 بہترین آپشن ہے۔ انڈیا کے طیارے تو اس وقت بھی اچھے تھے جب پاکستان نے انڈین طیارہ مار گرایا تھا۔‘

تاہم شاہد لطیف کا دعویٰ ہے کہ ’انڈیا کے طیارے اڑتی پھرتی لاشیں ہیں۔ جس کی وجہ سے انھیں رفال جیسی مہنگی ڈیل کی طرف جانا پڑا۔‘

شاہد لطیف کے مطابق تھوڑے بہت فرق کے ساتھ وہ سب کچھ تو جے ایف 17 میں بھی ہے جو رفال کی خوبیاں بتائی جاتی ہیں۔ ان کے مطابق اگر رفال میں فورتھ جنریشن ہے تو جے ایف 17 میں فورتھ اینڈ ہاف جنریشن تک صلاحیت ہے۔



جے ایف 17

جے ایف 17 کہاں تیار کیے جا رہے ہیں؟

سابق ایئر مارشل ریٹائرڈ شاہد لطیف نے بی بی سی کو بتایا کہ جے ایف 17 طیاروں کی خاص بات ہی یہ ہے کہ یہ باہر کے ممالک سے نہیں بلکہ پاکستان کے اندر کامرہ کے مقام پر تیار کیے جا رہے ہیں۔

وہ کہتے ہیں کہ اب انڈیا کو مشکل صورتحال میں فرانس کی طرف دیکھنا ہو گا۔

ان کے مطابق پاکستان نے یہ صلاحیت حاصل کر لی ہے کہ جب مرضی اور جتنے مرضی طیارے بنائے۔ شاہد لطیف کا کہنا ہے کہ سو سے زائد جے ایف 17 تیار کر کے فضائیہ کے حوالے کیے جا چکے ہیں۔

پاکستان فضائیہ کے ایک ریٹائرڈ ایئر کموڈور قیصر طفیل نے اپنے ایک بلاگ میں لکھا ہے کہ دسمبر 2018 میں پاکستان نے 112 جے ایف طیارے تیار کر لیے تھے جبکہ مزید 76 پر کام جاری ہے۔ ان کے مطابق پاکستان ایک سال میں 24 جے ایف 17 طیارے بنانے کی صلاحیت رکھتا ہے۔

شاہد لطیف کا کہنا ہے کہ انڈیا کو رفال ملنے میں کئی سال لگ جائیں گے کیونکہ یہ سب اتنی جلدی نہیں ہوتا۔ ان کے مطابق ’اگر کوئی خرابی واقع ہوتی ہے تو پھر انڈیا کو ہر بار فرانس کا رخ کرنا ہو گا۔‘

شاہد لطیف کے مطابق سب سے زیادہ اہمیت ’اسسمینٹ‘ کی ہوتی ہے طیارے کی نہیں۔

ان کے مطابق رفال بھی فورتھ جنریشن طیارہ ہے جس طرح ایس یو-30 تھا جس کو پاکستانی پائلٹس نے گرایا تھا۔

جے ایف-17 کی ڈیزائن لائف چار ہزار گھنٹے یا 25 سال بتائی جاتی ہے۔

ماہرین کے مطابق اس طیارے میں نصب ریڈار نظام کی بدولت جے ایف-17 تھنڈر بیک وقت 15 اہداف کی نشاندہی کے ساتھ ساتھ چار اہداف کو نشانہ بنا سکتا ہے۔



ایف 16 طیارے

’ایف 16 طیاروں کے استعمال پر کسی قسم کی کوئی پابندی نہیں‘

پاکستان نے واضح کیا ہے کہ رفال کے مقابلے کے لیے ایف 16 طیارے پر بھی کسی قسم کی کوئی پابندی نہیں ہے۔ ایف 16 طیارے کے استعمال سے متعلق سوال پر ایئرکموڈور سید عمر شاہ نے واضح کیا کہ ’اس کے لیے پاکستانی فضائیہ کو کسی کی بھی اجازت کی ضرورت نہیں ہے۔ یہ ہمارے ہتھیار ہیں جن کو ہم نے اپنے دفاع کے لیے استعمال کرنا ہے۔‘

شاید لطیف اور شہزاد چوہدری نے بھی اس بات کی تصدیق کی کہ پاکستان پر ان طیاروں کے استعمال سے متعلق کوئی پابندی عائد نہیں کی گئی ہے۔

شاہد لطیف نے یہاں تک کہا کہ وہ ان ابتدائی چھ پائلٹس میں شامل تھے جو امریکہ کے ساتھ اس معاہدے میں شامل تھے اور انھوں نے سب سے پہلے یہ طیارہ اڑایا تھا۔ ان کے مطابق امریکہ نے پاکستان کے ساتھ معاہدے کی خلاف ورزی کرتے ہوئے مختلف حیلے بہانوں سے پاکستان کو مزید ایف 16 کی حوالگی پر پابندی عائد کیے رکھی۔

شہزاد چوہدری کے مطابق امریکہ نے پاکستان کو معاہدے کے تحت تمام طیارے دے دیے ہیں۔ تاہم انھوں نے ان طیاروں کی تعداد بتانے سے گریز کیا ہے۔

شاہد لطیف کہتے ہیں کہ امریکہ اب بھی دیگر ممالک کو پاکستان سے طیارے نہیں خریدنے دے رہا ہے اور ایسے معاہدوں میں رکاوٹیں ڈال رہا ہے۔ ان کے مطابق اب امریکہ کو بھی معلوم ہے کہ پاکستان نے ایف 16 کے مقابلے کا اپنا جے ایف 17 تیار کر لیا ہے۔ ان کے خیال میں اب کوئی پاکستان کو بلیک میل نہیں کر سکتا۔

سوشل میڈیا پر بحث

جہاں سوشل میڈیا پر ماہرین رفال اور جے ایف 17 سے متعلق تبصرے کرتے نظر آتے ہیں وہیں ٹوئٹر پر ہیش ٹیگ جے ایف 17 تھنڈر ٹرینڈ کرتا نظر آیا۔

ٹوئٹر پر اس بحث میں ایئر وائس مارشل ریٹائرڈ شہزاد چوہدری کے علاوہ سٹریٹجک پلان ڈویژن (ایس پی ڈی) کے ’آرمز کنٹرول اینڈ ڈس آرمامنٹ‘ کے سابق ڈائریکٹر خالد بنوری بھی رفال اور پاکستانی طیاروں سے متعلق بحث پر دلچسپی لیتے نظر آئے اور انھوں نے بھی ٹوئٹر پر کئی ایسی ٹویٹس لائیک اور ری ٹویٹس کیے۔

پاکستان کی قومی اسمبلی کے ڈپٹی سپیکر قاسم سوری نے تو رفال سے متعلق انڈیا کے سابق کرکٹر گوتم گھمبیر کی ٹویٹ پر تبصرہ کرتے ہوئے لکھا کہ ’سادہ چائے 20 اور دودھ پتی 50 روپے فی کپ ہے۔‘

پراؤڈ پاکستانی نامی صارف نے تو پانچ رفال طیاروں کو فضا میں اڑتے دکھایا اور ان کے سامنے فضا میں ہی پانچ کپ چائے کے رکھ دیے۔ اس تصویر کو دیگر کئی اور صارفین نے شیئر کیا۔ ایک صارف نے تو اس تصویر کے ساتھ ابھینندن کا وہ جملہ بھی لکھا کہ ’ٹی از فینٹیسٹک۔‘

گوتم گھمبیر اور انڈین فوج سے میجر جنرل کے رینک سے ریٹائر ہونے والے جی ڈی بخشی کی ٹویٹ پر سینکڑوں تبصرے کیے گئے۔ جی ڈی بخشی نے رفال کی تصویر کے ساتھ اپنی ٹویٹ میں لکھا کہ ’عقاب انڈیا اتر چکا ہے اور یہ جنوبی ایشیا میں ایک گیم چینجر ہو گا۔‘

شاہ البشاوری نامی صارف نے تو دونوں طیاروں کا ایک ہی ٹویٹ میں ایسے موازنہ پیش کیا کہ جیسے وہ اس شعبے میں خاص مہارت رکھتے ہوں۔

Courtesy : BBC Urdu

Kashmir dispute

 

The mountainous region of Kashmir has been a flashpoint between India and Pakistan for more than 50 years. BBC News Online provides a step-by-step guide to the dispute. Why is Kashmir disputed? Srinagar was rocked by violence in the summer of 2008 The territory of Kashmir was hotly contested even before India and Pakistan won their independence from Britain in August 1947. Under the partition plan provided by the Indian Independence Act of 1947, Kashmir was free to accede to India or Pakistan. The Maharaja, Hari Singh, wanted to stay independent but eventually decided to accede to India, signing over key powers to the Indian government - in return for military aid and a promised referendum. Since then, the territory has been the flashpoint for two of the three India-Pakistan wars: the first in 1947-8, the second in 1965. In 1999, India fought a brief but bitter conflict with Pakistani-backed forces who had infiltrated Indian-controlled territory in the Kargil area. In addition to the rival claims of Delhi and Islamabad to the territory, there has been a growing and often violent separatist movement against Indian rule in Kashmir since 1989. What are the rival claims? Islamabad says Kashmir should have become part of Pakistan in 1947, because Muslims are in the majority in the region. Pakistan also argues that Kashmiris should be allowed to vote in a referendum on their future, following numerous UN resolutions on the issue. Missed chances for peace What freedom means in Kashmir Delhi, however, does not want international debate on the issue, arguing that the Simla Agreement of 1972 provided for a resolution through bilateral talks. India points to the Instrument of Accession signed in October 1947 by the Maharaja, Hari Singh. Both India and Pakistan reject the option of Kashmir becoming an independent state. How dangerous is the Kashmir dispute? It is potentially one of the most dangerous disputes in the world and in the worst-case scenario could trigger a nuclear conflict. In 1998 India and Pakistan both declared themselves to be nuclear powers with a string of nuclear tests. In 2002 there was a huge deployment of troops on both sides of the border as India reacted to an armed attack on the national parliament in Delhi the previous December. Tension between the two countries has rarely been so high. India said the attack was carried out by Pakistani-based militants assisted by the Pakistan government - a charge always denied by Pakistan. For much of the last two decades, separatist militancy and cross-border firing between the Indian and Pakistani armies has left a death toll running into tens of thousands and a population traumatised by fighting and fear. Are there grounds to hope the Kashmir dispute can be resolved? Recent years have seen a big thaw in relations between India and Pakistan. In addition to holding more talks, they have taken several Kashmir-specific confidence building measures. A bus service between the two parts of Kashmir was resumed in 2005. Some Kashmiris have accused the Indian security forces of abuses In October 2008 an old trade road was reopened after 60 years across the Line of Control (LoC) that divides Indian and Pakistani-administered Kashmir. Earlier in the same month a rail service was introduced. The two governments have huge international backing to continue the peace process and make their ongoing negotiations succeed. An end to the violence and uncertainty in Kashmir would also be widely welcomed in India and Pakistan - and not only by those weary of the fighting or those who see it as a hindrance to the economic development of the South Asia region. However, a diplomatic solution has escaped both sides for more than 60 years, and there are no signs of any new proposals yet. Furthermore, both governments face powerful hard line groups within their own countries who will be carefully monitoring the talks to make sure concessions they deem to be unacceptable are not offered to the other side. Who are the militants? Since the insurgency began in 1989, the number of armed Muslim separatists grew from hundreds to thousands. However their numbers have dwindled over the past two years. The most prominent militant group are the pro-Pakistani Hizbul Mujahideen. Islamabad denies providing them and others with logistical and material support. The tourism industry has seen a small revival after years of relative calm The Jammu and Kashmir Liberation Front (JKLF) was the largest pro-independence militant group but it gave up the armed struggle in 1994 and has since been active on the political front. Its influence is thought to have waned. Other former militant groups have joined the umbrella of the All-Party Hurriyat (Freedom) Conference (APHC), which campaigns peacefully for an end to India's presence in Kashmir. However the hard line faction of the APHC - as well as several armed militant groups - are demanding a tripartite dialogue among Indian, Pakistan and Kashmiri representatives - but India has so far not agreed to this. The moderate faction of the APHC, led by Mirwaiz Umar Farooq, opened bilateral talks with the Indian government in 2004. But they have complained that Delhi has not taken steps it promised to create a conducive atmosphere for dialogue - such as the release of prisoners and the withdrawal of the laws that give sweeping powers to the armed forces. Talks between the two sides last took place in early 2006. Is religion an issue? Religion is an important aspect of the dispute. Partition in 1947 gave India's Muslims a state of their own: Pakistan. So a common faith underpins Pakistan's claims to Kashmir, where many areas are Muslim-dominated. The population of the Indian-administered state of Jammu and Kashmir is over 60% Muslim, making it the only state within India where Muslims are in the majority. What is the Line of Control? A demarcation line was originally established in January 1949 as a ceasefire line, following the end of the first Kashmir war. In July 1972, after a second conflict, the Line of Control (LoC) was re-established under the terms of the Simla Agreement, with minor variations on the earlier boundary. The LoC passes through a mountainous region about 5,000 metres above sea level. The conditions there are so extreme that the bitter cold claims more lives than the sporadic military skirmishes. Pakistan has said some militant groups are 'terrorists' North of the LoC, the rival forces have been entrenched on the Siachen glacier (more than 6,000 metres above sea level) since 1984 - the highest battlefield on earth. The LoC divides Kashmir on an almost two-to-one basis: Indian-administered Kashmir to the east and south (population about nine million), which falls into the Indian-controlled state of Jammu and Kashmir; and Pakistani-administered Kashmir to the north and west (population about three million), which is labelled by Pakistan as "Azad" (Free) Kashmir. China also controls a small portion of Kashmir. What's the UN involvement? The UN has maintained a presence in the disputed area since 1949. Currently, the LoC is monitored by the UN Military Observer Group in India and Pakistan (Unmogip). So what of the future? In Indian-administered Kashmir, many people are wary of confidence building measures (CBMs) which they fear may be used as a ploy to convert the LoC into a permanent border. Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh has reiterated that Kashmir's borders cannot be redrawn, but they can be made "irrelevant". The Pakistani and Indian armies are for the most part observing a ceasefire along the LoC . In what seemed like a major break from its position over the Kashmir question in 2008, Pakistan's new President, Asif Ali Zardari, denounced separatist violence as "terrorism". However, his spokesperson later clarified that the remark was about non-Kashmiri militants fighting in Kashmir. Even so there has overall been a huge decline in violence in Indian-administered Kashmir over the past three years. The main exception to that has been the events of the summer of 2008, when the government of Indian-administered Kashmir decided to transfer to a Hindu religious trust 100 acres of land on a mountain route leading to an important shrine. This sparked widespread protests among Muslims in the valley throughout June, in which many civilians were killed. The decision was then rescinded in early July, which in turn triggered large-scale protests in the Hindu-majority districts around the city of Jammu. The incident provided a good example of how volatile this beautiful part of the world can be - and how the capacity for violence is never far away.

Profile: Lashkar-e-Taiba

 

Lashkar-e-Taiba was founded by Hafiz Mohammad Saeed Pakistan-based Lashkar-e-Taiba (Soldiers of the Pure) is one of the most feared groups fighting against Indian control in Kashmir and is blamed for several deadly attacks on Indian soil. Most recently, India has blamed the militant outfit for the November 2008 attacks in Mumbai which killed 174 people, including nine gunmen, and soured ties between India and Pakistan. Pakistan's former president, Pervez Musharraf, banned Lashkar-e-Taiba in January 2002, along with four other Islamic groups. This followed considerable international pressure in the wake of the 11 September 2001 attacks in the US. Until then Lashkar, with its reputation for being purely focused on fighting India in Kashmir, was able to operate openly inside Pakistan, raising funds and recruiting members. Almost every shop in the main bazaar of every Pakistani town, large or small, had a Lashkar collection box to raise funds for the struggle in Kashmir. Anti-US banner Laskhar had no involvement in sectarian attacks in Pakistan and its leaders were often critical of other militant groups operating in Kashmir and Afghanistan who also took part in the sectarian Sunni-Shia bloodshed within Pakistan. Police detain two Lashkar-e-Taiba suspects in Delhi Problems arose, however, when some breakaway Lashkar members began to disagree with President Musharraf's strategy - post 9/11 - and were blamed for anti-government attacks in Pakistan. In the months after 9/11, these breakaway factions of militant groups started to come together under a loose anti-US banner. This meant that Lashkar members came into contact with sectarian groups which previously it had so disdained. This situation still continues After the ban, the government did not try to break up Lashkar but restricted the movements of its leaders, while its members were told to keep a low profile. By mid-2002 it reportedly renamed itself Jama'at ud Dawa (Party of the Calling). It said it would continue its activities in Pakistani-administered Kashmir, but India believes the group is now more factionalised. The massive earthquake in the region in October 2005 affected its fortunes and Jama'at ud Dawa, saying it was a charity, was again allowed openly to collect funds in Pakistan, officially for reconstruction work. Many of their offices reopened and its members played a prominent role in rebuilding work. War threat Since Lashkar's rise to prominence more than 10 years ago, it has often been blamed by India for carrying out armed attacks, not only in Kashmir, but elsewhere in India. Lashkar was blamed for bomb attacks in the Indian capital Delhi in October 2005 that killed more than 60 people. India also says it was involved in the most audacious attack on Indian soil in December 2001. The armed raid on India's parliament - allegedly carried out along with another Kashmiri militant group, Jaish-e-Mohammed - brought India and Pakistan to the brink of all-out war. Lashkar has not admitted carrying out those attacks. But it does claim responsibility for attacking one of the country's most famous landmarks - the army barracks at the Red Fort in Delhi in 2000 in which three people died. The United Jihad Council at first chose to ignore Lashkar Until its ban in 2002, Lashkar had never been shy of accepting responsibility for most of the armed attacks against Indian military targets. However, it always denied killing civilians, maintaining that such a tactic was against the organisation's religious beliefs. In recent years, it has abstained from claiming responsibility for such attacks. It did not claim responsibility for the November 2008 attacks in Mumbai, but a subsequent investigation by Pakistan found that its members had been involved in planning and carrying out those attacks. The Pakistani revelation came amid mounting international pressure to rein in groups attacking India with covert Pakistani support. Many militant factions in Pakistan's northwest also consider Lashkar-e-Taiba and some other Kashmir-focused groups such as Jaish-e-Mohammad, as the "lackeys" of Pakistan's security establishment. Militant evolution Lashkar-e-Taiba was formed soon after the birth of its parent religious organisation, Markaz Dawa ul Irshad in the late 1980s. Delhi's Red Fort after Lashkar attacked it in 2000 The Markaz (Centre for Preaching) was set up in the town of Muridke, outside Lahore by a former professor of engineering at the University of Punjab, Hafiz Mohammed Saeed. Spread over several hectares, the Markaz soon became known for preaching hardline views on Islam. Some of its annual congregations attracted as many as 100,000 people, during which calls were made for jihad or holy war. By 1994 Lashkar-e-Taiba had emerged as the militant wing of the organisation. Unlike most other Kashmir militant groups, a majority of its members were non-Kashmiri, and its headquarters were also based in Pakistan. Lashkar generally shunned the alliance of the Kashmiri militant groups known as Muttehadda Jihad Council or the United Jihad Council, preferring to act alone. Initially it was ignored by most other groups, but earned their respect once it introduced the concept of "Fedayaeen fighters" to carry out daring attacks against the Indian troops. The Mumbai attacks were a demonstration of this concept, leading many analysts to conclude that they bore Lashkar's signature.

Courtesy : BBC

Pakistan India Troubled Relations over Kashmir- by BBC

 

A History Report from 1947 to 2001.

Introduction Ever since the partition of the sub-continent in 1947, when Britain dismantled its Indian empire, India and Pakistan have been arch rivals. The animosity has its roots in religion and history, and is epitomised by the long-running conflict over the state of Jammu and Kashmir. This has recently escalated into a dangerous nuclear arms race.

	Partition saw rioting, communal violence and population movement From the archive - BBC: Listen to Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru on 3 June 1947 Listen to Mohammed Ali Jinnah on 14 August 1947 Listen to Lord Louis Mountbatten on 15 August 1947		Partition and independence Summary The Indian subcontinent was partitioned into Hindu-dominated but nominally secular India and the newly created Muslim state of Pakistan after India’s independence from Great Britain in 1947. Severe rioting and population movement ensued and an estimated half a million people were killed in communal violence. About a million people were left homeless. Since partition, the territory of Jammu and Kashmir has remained in dispute, with Pakistan and India both holding sectors. In full The name Pakistan was derived from an idea first suggested in 1933 when a student, Chaudhuri Rahmat Ali, proposed that there should be a separate homeland which would be comprised of the Muslim-majority provinces in the north-west as well as the geographically contiguous princely state of Jammu and Kashmir. The name was formulated from: P for Punjab, A for the Afghanis of the north-west frontier, K for Kashmir, S for Sind and Tan denoting Baluchistan. The word also means land of the pure in Urdu. The partition of the Subcontinent, however, led to severe rioting and population movement as Muslims, Sikhs and Hindus found themselves on the wrong side of the partitioned provinces of Punjab and Bengal. The latter of these became East Pakistan. An estimated half a million people died in communal violence, millions more became homeless. Jammu and Kashmir, a collection of culturally distinct regions, were nominally brought under the rule of Sikhs in the early 19th Century. After the British fought the Sikhs in 1846, instead of assuming direct control over the area, Britain installed a Hindu ruler as Maharaja. The Maharaja's territorial possessions included the Buddhist area of Ladakh, the predominantly Hindu region of Jammu, the majority Muslim valley of Kashmir, as well as smaller Muslim kingdoms in the west. In the days of the British Empire, the state of Jammu and Kashmir was one of more than 560 autonomous princely states owing allegiance to Britain. At independence, the rulers were advised to join, by means of an instrument of accession, either of the two new dominions, India or Pakistan, bearing in mind their state's geographical position and the religion of their inhabitants. By August 1947, the date of partition, the ruler of Jammu and Kashmir had not decided which dominion to join. Over 50 years later, Pakistanis still believe that Jammu and Kashmir should have become part of Pakistan because the majority of the state's population, concentrated in the valley of Kashmir, is Muslim. India, says the state of Jammu and Kashmir belongs to India because by the October 1947 instrument of accession, the Maharaja finally agreed to join India.

Related story: Q&A: The Kashmir Conflict

The 1947- 48 war Summary India and Pakistan first went to war in October 1947 after Pakistan supported a Muslim insurgency in Kashmir. India agreed to a request for armed assistance from Kashmir's Maharaja, in return for accession of the state to India. But the nature of that accession has long been the subject of debate. The war ended on 1 January 1949, with the establishment of a ceasefire line. The status of the territory remained in dispute because an agreed referendum to confirm the accession was never held. In full The first Indo-Pakistani war started after armed tribesmen from Pakistan's north-west frontier province invaded Kashmir in October 1947. Besieged both by a revolt in his state and by the invasion, the Maharaja requested armed assistance from the government of India. In return he acceded to India, handing over powers of defence, communication and foreign affairs. Both India and Pakistan agreed that the accession would be confirmed by a referendum once hostilities had ceased. Historians continue to debate the precise timing when the Maharaja of Jammu and Kashmir signed the instrument of accession and the Indian army moved into the state, arguing that the Maharaja acceded to India under duress. In May 1948, the regular Pakistani army was called upon to protect Pakistan's borders. Fighting continued throughout the year between Pakistani irregular troops and the Indian army. The war ended on 1 January 1949 when a ceasefire was arranged by the United Nations, which recommended that both India and Pakistan should adhere to their commitment to hold a referendum in the state. A ceasefire line was established where the two sides stopped fighting and a UN peacekeeping force established. The referendum, however, has never been held. In 1954 Jammu and Kashmir's accession to India was ratified by the state's constituent assembly. In 1957, it approved its own constitution, modelled along the Indian constitution. Since that time India has regarded that part of the state which it controls as an integral part of the Indian union. To the west of the ceasefire line, Pakistan controls roughly one third of the state. A small region, which the Pakistanis call Azad (Free) Jammu and Kashmir, and the Indians call Pakistani-occupied Kashmir, is semi-autonomous. The larger area, which includes the former kingdoms of Hunza and Nagar, called the northern areas, is directly administered by Pakistan. In 1962-3, following the 1962 Sino-Indian war, India and Pakistan held talks under the auspices of Britain and the US in an attempt to resolve their differences over Kashmir, but without success.

Tension escalated into a second war which spread to Kashmir

The 1965 war Summary The two countries went to war again after Pakistan launched a covert offensive across the ceasefire line into Indian-administered Jammu and Kashmir. India retaliated by crossing the international border at Lahore. In full In April 1965, a clash between border patrols erupted into fighting in the Rann of Kutch, a sparsely inhabited region along the south-western Indo-Pakistani border. When the Indians withdrew, Pakistan claimed victory. Later, in August, hostilities broke out again in the 2nd Indo-Pakistani war, when the government of Pakistan launched a covert offensive across the ceasefire line into the Indian-administered Jammu and Kashmir. In early September, India retaliated by crossing the international border at Lahore. After three weeks, both India and Pakistan agreed to a UN-sponsored ceasefire. In January 1966, the governments of India and Pakistan met at Tashkent and signed a declaration affirming their commitment to solve their disputes through peaceful means. They also agreed to withdraw to their pre-August positions.

Millions were caught up in fighting in East Pakistan - later to become Bangladesh Related story The contentious Line of Control

The 1971 war Summary Pakistan descended into civil war after East Pakistan demanded autonomy and later independence. India invaded East Pakistan in support of its people after millions of civilians fled to India. At the end of 1971, Bangladesh was created out of East Pakistan. In full Indo-Pakistani relations deteriorated again when civil war erupted in Pakistan, pitting the West Pakistan army against East Pakistanis demanding autonomy and later independence. The fighting forced an estimated 10 million East Pakistani civilians to flee to India. In December India invaded East Pakistan in support of the East Pakistani people. The Pakistani army surrendered at Dhaka and its army of more than 90,000 became Indian prisoners of war. East Pakistan became the independent country of Bangladesh on 6 December 1971. Regional tensions were reduced by the Simla accord of 1972 and by Pakistan's recognition of Bangladesh in 1974. The Simla accord committed both sides to working through outstanding issues bilaterally and through the mechanism of working groups. In relation to Jammu and Kashmir, the two countries agreed that the ceasefire line, which was renamed the Line of Control, would be respected by both sides "without prejudice to the recognised positions of either side". In 1974 the Kashmir state government reached an accord with the Indian Government, which affirmed its status as "a constituent unit of the union of India". Pakistan rejected the accord.

Insurgency continues: In 2001, an attack in Srinagar killed 38 people Related story Who are the militants?

Kashmir insurgency Summary Armed resistance to Indian rule broke out in the Kashmir valley in 1989, with some groups calling for independence and others calling for union with Pakistan. India accused Pakistan of supplying weapons to the militants. During the 1990s, with the emergence of militant Muslim groups, the movement’s ideology became essentially Islamic in nature. In full In 1989 armed resistance to Indian rule began in the Kashmir valley. Muslim political parties complained that the 1987 elections to the state's legislative assembly were rigged against them, and they formed militant wings. Some groups demanded independence for the state of Jammu and Kashmir and others union with Pakistan. Pakistan gave its "moral and diplomatic" support to the movement, calling for the issue to be resolved via a UN-sponsored referendum. But the government of India maintained that Pakistan's support of the insurgency consisted of training and supplying weapons to militant separatists and repeatedly called for Pakistan to cease "cross-border terrorism". During the 1990s, several new militant groups emerged, most of which held radical Islamic views. The ideological emphasis of the movement shifted from a nationalistic and secularist one to an Islamic one. This was in part driven by the arrival in the valley of Kashmir of large numbers of Islamic "Jihadi" fighters who had fought in Afghanistan against the Soviet Union in the 1980s.

Hopes of diplomacy: India's then Foreign Minister Inder Kumar Gujral, left, met his Pakistani counterpart Gohar Ayub in 1997

Diplomatic push Summary India and Pakistan set up low-level meetings to defuse tension over Jammu and Kashmir. The diplomatic push became more concerted a year later and an agenda for peace talks was agreed on. Also in 1997, Pakistan suggested that the two sides meet to discuss restraining nuclear and missile capabilities. In full In 1996, Pakistani and Indian military officers met on the Line of Control dividing the state of Jammu and Kashmir to ease tension after clashes. The celebrations of 50 years of independence in 1997 in both countries coincided with a surge in diplomatic activity. During 1997, Indian and Pakistani foreign ministers met in Delhi. After a second round of talks in Islamabad, they announced an eight-point agenda for peace talks, including discussion of the Kashmir issue. Although the talks ended in stalemate, both sides promised to meet again. In a speech at the UN, Pakistani Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif offered to open talks on a non-aggression pact with India, proposing that both nations strike a deal to restrain their nuclear and missile capabilities. In 1988 India and Pakistan had signed an agreement not to attack each other's nuclear facilities. India has consistently rejected any third party mediation to help end Kashmir border clashes, saying differences should be solved in bilateral talks, according to the 1972 Simla agreement. The 1980s had seen some diplomatic discussions aimed at resolving outstanding differences, between India and Pakistan. In 1982, the two rivals began unsuccessful talks on a non-aggression treaty. However, in 1984 Indian troops were airlifted to the Siachen glacier in northern Kashmir which increased tension in the area. Pakistan retaliated by fortifying the glacier from its side of what has become known as the world's highest war zone.

Both countries have developed long-range missiles capable of striking the other's cities Related story: The nuclear stakes From the Archive: Watch the BBC Correspondent programme on Kashmir 28K Watch the BBC Correspondent programme on Kashmir 56K

Nuclear rivalry Summary Fears of a nuclear confrontation grew, after both sides conducted nuclear tests. The US ordered sanctions against both countries, with several European nations doing the same. Tensions were reduced early the following year after the two sides signed an accord pledging to intensify efforts to resolve all issues – including that of Jammu and Kashmir. In full The arms race between the rivals escalated dramatically in the 1990s. In May 1998, India conducted underground nuclear tests in the western desert state of Rajasthan near the border with Pakistan. In response, Pakistan conducted six tests in Baluchistan. In the same year, Pakistan tested its longest range missile, the 1,500 km (932 mile) Ghauri missile, named after a 12th Century Muslim warrior who conquered part of India. Both sides were heavily criticised by the international community for the tests as fears of a nuclear confrontation grew. The United States ordered sanctions against both countries, freezing more than $20bn of aid, loans and trade. Japan ordered a block on about $1bn of aid loans. Several European countries followed suit, and the G-8 governments imposed a ban on non-humanitarian loans to India and Pakistan. The UN Security Council condemned India and Pakistan for carrying out nuclear tests and urged the two nations to stop all nuclear weapons programmes. Relations between India and Pakistan improved again in February 1999 when Indian Prime Minister Atal Vajpayee travelled to Pakistan to meet Pakistani Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif. They signed the Lahore accord pledging again to "intensify their efforts to resolve all issues, including the issue of Jammu and Kashmir". India had detonated its first nuclear device in1974. In 1989, Pakistan announced the successful test firing of its first long-range surface-to-surface missile, the Hatf-1 and Hatf-2. In 1992 Pakistan said it had acquired the scientific know-how to make a nuclear bomb.

At the height of the Kargil conflict thousands of shells were fired daily Related story: The Kargil conflict in detail

Kargil conflict Summary Conflict again erupted after India launched air strikes against Pakistani-backed forces that had infiltrated Indian-administered Kashmir. Fighting built up towards a direct conflict between the two states and tens of thousands of people were reported to have fled their homes on both sides of the ceasefire line. Later that year, General Musharraf led a military coup in Pakistan. In full For the first time in nearly 30 years, in May 1999, India launched air strikes against Pakistani-backed forces that had infiltrated into the mountains in Indian-administered Kashmir, north of Kargil. Pakistan responded by putting its troops on high alert as the fighting built up towards a direct conflict between the two states. India repeatedly claimed that Pakistani forces belonging to the northern light infantry, based in the Pakistani-administered Northern Areas, were engaged in the operations - a claim Pakistan consistently denied. Pakistan insisted instead that the forces were "freedom fighters" fighting for the liberation of Indian-administered Jammu and Kashmir. At the height of the conflict, thousands of shells were fired daily, and India launched hundreds of airstrikes. The Red Cross reported that at least 30,000 people had been forced to flee their homes on the Pakistani side of the Line of Control. Correspondents reported that about 20,000 people became refugees on the Indian side. Both sides claimed victory in the conflict, which ended when, under pressure from the United States, Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif called upon the infiltrating forces to withdraw. In October 1999, General Pervez Musharraf led a military coup in Pakistan, deposing elected Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif. General Musharraf's assumption of power was later validated by the supreme court of Pakistan for a period of three years. The coup was, however, was condemned by the international community which called for elections and an immediate return to civilian government. Pakistan was also suspended from the Commonwealth.

Stand-off along a tense border Related stories: The military balance The Agra summit in detail Musharraf on a tightrope Profile: Atal Behari Vajpayee Profile: General Pervez Musharraf Further reading and web links: India country profile Pakistan country profile Pakistani Government Indian Government US State Department UN mission in Kashmir Coalition to Reduce Nuclear Dangers

The brink of war Summary Tension along the ceasefire line continued. In October 38 people were killed after an attack on the Kashmiri assembly in Srinagar. A month later, 14 people were killed in an attack on the Indian parliament in Delhi. India again blamed Pakistani-backed Kashmiri militants. A dramatic build up of troops along the Indo-Pakistan border ensued. In full The 11 September 2001 suicide attacks in the United States brought a rapprochement between Pakistan and the West. Pakistan agreed to co-operate with the US's campaign against Osama Bin Laden's al-Qaeda network and the Taleban rulers of Afghanistan. Tension along the line of control continued. The worst fighting for more than a year broke out in October as India, which continued to condemn Pakistan for cross-border terrorism, started shelling Pakistani military positions. October saw a devastating attack on the Kashmiri assembly in Srinagar in which 38 people were killed. After the attack, the chief minister of Indian-administered Kashmir, Farooq Abdullah, called on the Indian government to launch a war against militant training camps across the border in Pakistan. On 13 December, an armed attack on the Indian parliament in Delhi left 14 people dead. India again blamed Pakistani-backed Kashmiri militants. The attack led to a dramatic build-up of troops along the Indo-Pakistan border, military exchanges and raised fears of a wider conflict. In January 2002 President Musharraf gave a keynote speech pledging that Pakistan would not allow terrorists to operate from Pakistani soil. He again called on the government of India to resolve the dispute over Jammu and Kashmir through dialogue. India said it would wait for action to back up his words.

Courtesy : BBC